Foreign policy to a nation is as sacred as motherhood and apple pie, it has an impact on everyone. With a resounding victory and decisive mandate, Modi government is expected to play a role- conducive to national interest in the the domain of foreign policy, which has become a hot potato. Invitation to the heads of BIMSTEC member states for the swearing-in-ceremony, recent visits of Priminister to Maldives, srilanka and visit of Foreign minister to Bhutan after assuming office sends an implicit but a clear and loud message, a message which reinforces the policy of neighbourhood first and gives priority to BIMSTEC, while neglecting SAARC because of Pakistan acting as an irritant. But to what extent the decision to give priority to BIMSTEC serves the purpose of our foreign policy goals? Can BIMSTEC replace SAARC?
Even after more than three decades of its inception SAARC has been a failure to forge regional cooperation, the objective which is crucial to its functioning. And the illustrious testimony to its monumental failure are – at the 18th SAARC summit which was held in Kathmandu in 2014, SAARC–Motor Vehicle Agreement (MVA)—which was envisaged for harnessing regional connectivity across South Asia—could not be signed due to Pakistan’s stiff opposition. SAARC faced another setback in 2016 after its 19th summit which was scheduled to be held in Islamabad, was suspended, owing to India’s boycott after URI attack. On the other-hand BIMSTEC has emerged as a viable alternative. But Priority to BIMSTEC is equivalent to ignoring not only pakistan but also Afghanistan, and SAARC provides a forum to discuss different issues solely pertaining to south-Asia, while BIMSTEC doesn’t. If India and Pakistan can share the dais together in SCO, then what stops both of them to share the dais of SAARC in order to achieve a lager interest? BIMSTEC although is an organisation with lot of potential, but rather than looking it as an alternative to SAARC, it can be viewed as a link between SAARC and ASEAN or a complementary to SAARC.
In 2018-19 India imported around 23.5 million tonnes of Iraninia oil, but with the expiry of conditional waiver from US., the import has reduced to zero. What does it imply? What will be the fate of Chbahar? is India afraid of CAATSA? In a rare anomaly India changed its course of foreign policy infavour of Israel and against Palestine in ECOSOC; Wherein India favoured the decision of Israel to object the consultative status to a Palestinian non-governmental organisation. These shows that slowly but steadily India’s foreign policy is on a trajectory towards USA. But is it a viable option, given the America first policy of Mr.Trump? Since Independence India’s foreign policy has been guided by its own principle, never dictated by any so-called super powers, but there seems to be an imminent threat of our government becoming an acolyte.
The international scenario today looks like a quagmire awaiting to entrap, on the one hand a strong bond glued with common enmity has evolved between China and Russia, and on the other hand there is USA striving to Check the rising china. India is now at a fork in the road, this is exemplified in recent G-20 summit, where India was seen to participating in the trilaterals of both the groups.
WHAT INDIA SHOULD DO? ANS- NON-ALIGNMENT.
About the author- The author of this article, Subhendu Bikash, is a student of political science, pursuing P.G. at Utkal University.
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